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Leaving behind his job at the Archives, Bolliac was a member of the Assembly in 1866–1867. In this aspect of his career, he was involved alongside Kogălniceanu on a panel that designed the [[coat of arms of Romania]]—a work that, once complete, reflected influences from his earlier designs.<ref>Cernovodeanu, pp. 22, 24, 159</ref> Before splitting up into competing factions, the "monstrous coalition" passed through the main goals on its agenda, including the adoption of [[1866 Constitution of Romania|a moderate-liberal constitution]] and the selection of a foreign-born ''Domnitor''. Despite his earlier stances on Cuza, Bolliac declared himself against the solution, "in both shape and content", and was especially opposed to [[Carol I of Romania|Carol of Hohenzollern]], who was [[1866 Romanian prince referendum|confirmed through a plebiscite]].<ref>Cristea, p. 1077</ref> He had a personal stake in the matter, since he believed that a non-Romanian ruler would liberalize the Romanian market and allow in [[Venture capitalism|venture capitalists]] from abroad—after his tobacco company had floundered, he was trying to reinvest his money in [[Petrochemical industry in Romania|Romanian oil]].<ref>Dima ''et al.'', p. 338</ref> He now found himself allied to Heliade and his ''Legalitatea'' circle, who regarded Carol's arrival as the imposition of a foreign yoke on Romania.<ref>Cristea, p. 1090</ref> For his part, Bolliac returned to Cuzism, praising the exiled former ruler as a "great captain" who had crushed the "oligarchic class", while depicting Carol as a nonentity.<ref>Cristea, pp. 1090–1091</ref>

Leaving behind his job at the Archives, Bolliac was a member of the Assembly in 1866–1867. In this aspect of his career, he was involved alongside Kogălniceanu on a panel that designed the [[coat of arms of Romania]]—a work that, once complete, reflected influences from his earlier designs.<ref>Cernovodeanu, pp. 22, 24, 159</ref> Before splitting up into competing factions, the "monstrous coalition" passed through the main goals on its agenda, including the adoption of [[1866 Constitution of Romania|a moderate-liberal constitution]] and the selection of a foreign-born ''Domnitor''. Despite his earlier stances on Cuza, Bolliac declared himself against the solution, "in both shape and content", and was especially opposed to [[Carol I of Romania|Carol of Hohenzollern]], who was [[1866 Romanian prince referendum|confirmed through a plebiscite]].<ref>Cristea, p. 1077</ref> He had a personal stake in the matter, since he believed that a non-Romanian ruler would liberalize the Romanian market and allow in [[Venture capitalism|venture capitalists]] from abroad—after his tobacco company had floundered, he was trying to reinvest his money in [[Petrochemical industry in Romania|Romanian oil]].<ref>Dima ''et al.'', p. 338</ref> He now found himself allied to Heliade and his ''Legalitatea'' circle, who regarded Carol's arrival as the imposition of a foreign yoke on Romania.<ref>Cristea, p. 1090</ref> For his part, Bolliac returned to Cuzism, praising the exiled former ruler as a "great captain" who had crushed the "oligarchic class", while depicting Carol as a nonentity.<ref>Cristea, pp. 1090–1091</ref>

In 1867, Bolliac fell ill with a mysterious disease, which was probably caused by his strenuous work. He accepted treatment from Bucharest's leading physicians, and ultimately managed to recover.<ref>Dima ''et al.'', p. 339</ref> For the remainder of his life, he struggled financially: he lost money in the oil business, and in 1870 divested, becoming instead one of the founders of an insurance company called ''Dacia''.<ref>Dima ''et al.'', p. 338</ref> His belief in economic nationalism, manifested primarily as [[economic antisemitism]], was a mainstay of ''Trompeta''{{'}}s editorial line. Bolliac was alarmed by a growing class of [[History of the Jews in Romania|Jewish immigrants]], rejecting their [[Jewish emancipation|emancipation]] and [[Jewish assimilation|assimilation]], sometimes with outright violence.<ref>Dima ''et al.'', p. 338</ref> In 1868, he attacked his collaborator Hasdeu for his "history of religious tolerance", in which Hasdeu had argued that the Romanians had traditionally been welcoming of, and all too lenient towards, the Jewish diaspora. In Bolliac's view, such claims risked demonstrating to Jews that they were an ancient presence in Romania.<ref>Avram Meir Halevy, "Contribuțiuni la istoria evreilor în România", in [[Lya Benjamin]] (ed.), ''Evreii din România în texte istoriografice. Antologie'', p. 490. Bucharest: [[Editura Hasefer]], 2004. {{ISBN|973-630-015-3}}</ref> He combined the antisemitic agenda with a number of progressive goals, and theorized that the liberal bourgeoisie had betrayed the revolutionary cause of 1848.<ref>Dima ''et al.'', p. 338</ref> As deputy, he sounded alarms about the peasants' destitution, noting that they were starving in order to meet financial quotas imposed on them as compensation for the land they had received from Cuza.<ref>Dima ''et al.'', p. 339</ref> He now shied away from proposing radical reforms in agriculture, endorsing instead systems of [[credit union]]s that would elevate some of the peasantry into a rural bourgeoisie.<ref>Dima ''et al.'', p. 339</ref>

In 1867, Bolliac fell ill with a mysterious disease, which was probably caused by his strenuous work. He accepted treatment from Bucharest's leading physicians, and ultimately managed to recover.<ref>Dima ''et al.'', p. 339</ref> For the remainder of his life, he struggled financially: he lost money in the oil business, and in 1870 divested, becoming instead one of the founders of an insurance company called ''Dacia''.<ref>Dima ''et al.'', p. 338</ref> His belief in economic nationalism, manifested primarily as [[economic antisemitism]], was a mainstay of ''Trompeta''{{'}}s editorial line. Bolliac was alarmed by a growing class of [[History of the Jews in Romania|Jewish immigrants]], rejecting their [[Jewish emancipation|emancipation]] and [[Jewish assimilation|assimilation]], sometimes with outright violence.<ref>Dima ''et al.'', p. 338</ref> In 1868, he attacked his collaborator Hasdeu for his "history of religious tolerance", in which Hasdeu had argued that the Romanians had traditionally been welcoming of, and all too lenient towards, the Jewish diaspora. In Bolliac's view, such claims risked demonstrating to Jews that they were an ancient presence in Romania.<ref>Avram Meir Halevy, "Contribuțiuni la istoria evreilor în România", in [[Lya Benjamin]] (ed.), ''Evreii din România în texte istoriografice. Antologie'', p. 490. Bucharest: [[Editura Hasefer]], 2004. {{ISBN|973-630-015-3}}</ref> He combined the antisemitic agenda with a number of progressive goals, and theorized that the liberal bourgeoisie had betrayed the revolutionary cause of 1848.<ref>Dima ''et al.'', p. 338</ref> As deputy, he sounded alarms about the peasants' destitution, noting that they were starving in order to meet financial quotas imposed on them as compensation for the land they had received from Cuza.<ref>Dima ''et al.'', p. 339</ref> He now shied away from proposing radical reforms in agriculture, endorsing instead systems of [[credit union]]s that would elevate some of the peasantry into a rural bourgeoisie.<ref>Dima ''et al.'', p. 339</ref> He was now also explicitly anti-socialist.<ref>Faifer, p. 963</ref>

During the late 1860s, Bolliac met a formidable foe in ''[[Junimea]]'', an alliance of largely monarchist and conservative youths who had proceeded to reassess, and often to deride, the cultural and social contribution of [[forty-eighters]]. As early as 1867, he engaged in a polemic with the ''Junimist'' magazine ''[[Convorbiri Literare]]'' over the issue of social poetry, against which his adversaries had upheld [[aestheticism]] and authenticity.<ref>Dima ''et al.'', p. 339</ref> In a landmark text he published during 1871, ''Junimist'' leader [[Titu Maiorescu]] asserted that Bolliac and Heliade were equally mediocre as poets, while still "among the best" when it came to their prose.<ref>[[Z. Ornea]], ''Junimea și junimismul'', Vol. II, pp. 153–154. Bucharest: [[Editura Minerva]], 1998. {{ISBN|973-21-0561-5}}</ref> Bolliac continued to receive praise as a scholar, and in 1869 replaced his deceased godfather, Mavros, as head of the Bucharest Archeological Committee.<ref>Dima ''et al.'', p. 339</ref> He was also welcomed by a number of learned societies, including the Romanian Geographical Society and the ''[[Société française de numismatique]]'', also becoming a government inspector of the local museums.<ref>Dima ''et al.'', p. 339. See also Faifer, p. 963</ref> He used his prestige and his position as deputy to demand assistance for his friend Bolintineanu, who was consumed by disease, and whom he regarded as a [[national poet]]; having reconciled with the dying Heliade, he appeared as a [[pallbearer]] at his funeral, in April 1872.<ref>Dima ''et al.'', pp. 275, 545</ref>

During the late 1860s, Bolliac met a formidable foe in ''[[Junimea]]'', an alliance of largely monarchist and conservative youths who had proceeded to reassess, and often to deride, the cultural and social contribution of [[forty-eighters]]. As early as 1867, he engaged in a polemic with the ''Junimist'' magazine ''[[Convorbiri Literare]]'' over the issue of social poetry, against which his adversaries had upheld [[aestheticism]] and authenticity.<ref>Dima ''et al.'', p. 339</ref> In a landmark text he published during 1871, ''Junimist'' leader [[Titu Maiorescu]] asserted that Bolliac and Heliade were equally mediocre as poets, while still "among the best" when it came to their prose.<ref>[[Z. Ornea]], ''Junimea și junimismul'', Vol. II, pp. 153–154. Bucharest: [[Editura Minerva]], 1998. {{ISBN|973-21-0561-5}}</ref> Bolliac continued to receive praise as a scholar, and in 1869 replaced his deceased godfather, Mavros, as head of the Bucharest Archeological Committee.<ref>Dima ''et al.'', p. 339</ref> He was also welcomed by a number of learned societies, including the Romanian Geographical Society and the ''[[Société française de numismatique]]'', also becoming a government inspector of the local museums.<ref>Dima ''et al.'', p. 339. See also Faifer, p. 963</ref> He used his prestige and his position as deputy to demand assistance for his friend Bolintineanu, who was consumed by disease, and whom he regarded as a [[national poet]]; having reconciled with the dying Heliade, he appeared as a [[pallbearer]] at his funeral, in April 1872.<ref>Dima ''et al.'', pp. 275, 545</ref>