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[td]In 1935, the PNS made an unsuccessful attempt to merge with the National Labour Party and the [[National Workers' Party|National Workers’ Party]] (NPR) to create the National Labour Camp. The following year, the Union of National Movement became part of the organization. In May 1938, the PNS merged with a faction of the National Labour Party to form the National Community Movement (RNS), and in October 1938, the National Social Party joined the RNS, resulting in the establishment of the National Social Camp.<ref>J. Tomasiewicz: ''Towards a Natiocracy. Authoritarian, totalistic and pro-fascist tendencies in Polish political thought (1933–1939): nationalists – national radicals – national socialists''. University of Silesia Press, Katowice 2019, pp. 268, 294</ref>[/td]Revision as of 01:31, 3 September 2025
[/td][td]In 1935, the PNS made an unsuccessful attempt to merge with the National Labour Party and the [[National Workers' Party|National Workers’ Party]] (NPR) to create the National Labour Camp. The following year, the Union of National Movement became part of the organization. In May 1938, the PNS merged with a faction of the National Labour Party to form the National Community Movement (RNS), and in October 1938, the National Social Party joined the RNS, resulting in the establishment of the National Social Camp.<ref>J. Tomasiewicz: ''Towards a Natiocracy. Authoritarian, totalistic and pro-fascist tendencies in Polish political thought (1933–1939): nationalists – national radicals – national socialists''. University of Silesia Press, Katowice 2019, pp. 268, 294</ref>[/td] [td][/td]
[td][/td] [td]The '''Polish National Socialist Party''' (PNS) was a short-lived national-socialist political organization in interwar Poland, founded on 22 June 1933 by followers of Kazimierz Dagnan, a veteran activist of the National Workers’ Union (Narodowy Związek Robotniczy) and the National Workers’ Party (Narodowa Partia Robotnicza).<ref>Jarosław Tomasiewicz, W kierunku nacjokracji. Tendencje autorytarne, totalistyczne i profaszystowskie w polskiej myśli politycznej (1933–1939). Katowice: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Śląskiego, 2019, pp. 268–269.</ref> It sought to articulate a distinctly Polish variant of national socialism, consciously differentiated from German Nazism.[/td] [td]== Ideology ==[/td] [td]The PNS developed its own variant of [[National Socialism (disambiguation)|National Socialism]] that was explicitly [[Anti-German sentiment|anti-German]] and declaredly democratic, distinguishing itself from [[German Nazism]]. In seeking historical precedents, it drew inspiration from the nineteenth-century [[National-Socialist Commune|National Socialist Commune]] and from the thought of [[Adam Mickiewicz]], who argued that [[socialism]] should first become national in order to become universal.[/td] [td][/td]
[td][/td] [td]==Organizational Development==[/td] [td]The party’s stated aim was “the victory of labour over greedy capitalism.” In domestic policy, it called for “undivided power in the state for the Polish working class,” to be achieved through agrarian reform, the nationalization of large industry, and the preservation of [[parliamentary democracy]]. Toward [[Slavs|Slavic]] national minorities, it advocated tolerance, while its proposed “solution” to the Jewish question was the emigration of [[Jews]], whom it regarded as “occupiers” of Poland<ref>J. Tomasiewicz: ''Towards a Natiocracy. Authoritarian, totalistic and pro-fascist tendencies in Polish political thought (1933–1939): nationalists – national radicals – national socialists''. University of Silesia Press, Katowice 2019, p. 299.</ref>. The party also employed the concept of the “[[Aryan race|Aryan]]”<ref>J. Tomasiewicz: ''Towards a Natiocracy. Authoritarian, totalistic and pro-fascist tendencies in Polish political thought (1933–1939): nationalists – national radicals – national socialists''. University of Silesia Press, Katowice 2019, p. 299.</ref>.[/td] [td]The party’s inaugural president was Fryderyk Fiałkiewicz. Initially, the PNS emerged as a splinter faction from the National Workers’ Party – Left (Narodowa Partia Robotnicza – Lewica). Over time, it incorporated a local grouping from Bielsko aligned with the National Socialist Faction (Stronnictwo Narodowo-Socjalistyczne), as well as Kraków activists from the dissolved National-Socialist Workers’ Party (Narodowo-Socjalistyczna Partia Robotnicza).<ref>Olgierd Grott, Faszyści i narodowi socjaliści w Polsce. Kraków: WAM, 2007, pp. 212–215.</ref>[/td] [td][/td]
[td][/td] [td]The PNS oversaw a robust propaganda network. Its principal organ was ''Narodowy Socjalista'' ("The National Socialist"), supported by regional titles such as Zwycięstwo (Kraków), ''Front Narodowego Socjalisty'' (Vilnius), ''Polska Błyskawica'' (Katowice), Wczoraj, Dziś i Jutro (Lwów), and Trybuna Ludu (Łódź).<ref>Tomasiewicz, Rewolucja Narodowa. Nacjonalistyczne koncepcje rewolucji społecznej w Drugiej Rzeczpospolitej. Warszawa: Naprzód, 2012, pp. 144–146.</ref> Members wore steel-grey shirts as their statutory uniform.[/td] [td]In foreign policy, the PNS proposed the creation of a bloc of Slavic states and, on a global scale, the establishment of a general union of National Socialist republics. This union was envisioned as a framework for cultural and economic cooperation conducted in harmony while preserving national and political independence.[/td] [td][/td]
[td][/td] [td]The official emblem displayed a sword, hammer, and sickle upon a red-and-white shield. This symbol was rejected by the Kraków faction as suggestive of Marxism. Instead, Kraków activists adopted the jarzenica—a white triple spiral with a cross against a red field—intended to signify Indo-European (Aryan) descent and the synthesis of pre-Christian heritage with Christian identity.<ref>Tomasiewicz, W kierunku nacjokracji, pp. 291–293.</ref>[/td] [td]In matters of social customs, the party adopted a [[Conservatism|conservative]] stance, particularly regarding women’s rights. It declared attachment to [[Christianity]], though [[Anti-clericalism|anti-clerical]] tendencies sometimes emerged, and some members advocated the creation of a national church independent of [[Papal supremacy|Vatican authority]].<ref>J. Tomasiewicz: ''Towards a Natiocracy. Authoritarian, totalistic and pro-fascist tendencies in Polish political thought (1933–1939): nationalists – national radicals – national socialists''. University of Silesia Press, Katowice 2019, pp. 310-311</ref>[/td] [td][/td]
[td][/td] [td]The PNS engaged in repeated attempts at consolidation: in 1935, it sought unsuccessfully to merge with the National Workers’ Party and National Labor Party into a single National Labor Camp. In 1936, it absorbed the Union of the National Movement (''Związek Ruchu Narodowego''). By May 1938, it united with a wing of the National Labor Party to form the Movement of the National Community (Ruch Narodowej Spólnoty). Later that year, with the accession of the National Social Party (Narodowa Partia Społeczna), this evolved into the National-Social Camp (''Obóz Narodowo-Społeczny'').<ref>Tomasiewicz, W kierunku nacjokracji, pp. 294–296.</ref>[/td] [td]The PNS was [[anti-Marxist]] but expressed approval for certain policies of the Soviet Union under [[Joseph Stalin]], hoping that the [[Communism|communist]] ideology could be “[[Nationalization|nationalized]].” While critical of [[Fascism]] and [[Nazism]] as foreign models, it acknowledged the [[antisemitism]] of those regimes with approval and, at times, expressed understanding for the revisionist aims of governments of that type.<ref>J. Tomasiewicz: ''Towards a Natiocracy. Authoritarian, totalistic and pro-fascist tendencies in Polish political thought (1933–1939): nationalists – national radicals – national socialists''. University of Silesia Press, Katowice 2019, pp. 313-314.</ref>[/td] [td][/td] [td]During the German occupation of Poland, several PNS activists (notably Roman Kuchciak) were executed for patriotic resistance against the occupiers.<ref>Tomasiewicz, Rewolucja Narodowa, p. 223.</ref>[/td] [td][/td] [td]==Ideology==[/td] [td]The PNS advanced a specifically Polish, anti-German variant of national socialism, which it characterized as both national and (declaratively) democratic, distancing itself from Hitlerian Nazism.<ref>Grott, Faszyści i narodowi socjaliści w Polsce, pp. 199–203.</ref> In its intellectual genealogy, it claimed descent from the nineteenth-century National Socialist Commune (Gmina Narodowo-Socjalistyczna) and invoked Adam Mickiewicz, who argued that “Socialism, in order someday to become universal, must first become national.”<ref>Mickiewicz, Adam. Complete Works, vol. VIII. Paris, 1860, p. 213.</ref>[/td] [td][/td] [td]===Domestic Program===[/td] [td]The party envisioned the “victory of labor over rapacious capitalism.” Domestically, it sought absolute political primacy for the Polish working class, realized through agrarian reform, nationalization of major industries, and a parliamentary democracy. It advocated tolerance toward Slavic minorities but advanced an antisemitic program of Jewish emigration, perceiving Jews as foreign “occupiers” of Poland.<ref>Tomasiewicz, W kierunku nacjokracji, p. 298.</ref> Racially, the PNS employed the concept of the “Aryan”, aligning itself with contemporary racialist discourses.<ref>Tomasiewicz, W kierunku nacjokracji, p. 299.</ref>[/td] [td][/td] [td]===Foreign Policy===[/td] [td]In international affairs, the PNS promoted the formation of a Slavic bloc of nations to counterbalance Germany. Globally, it proposed a federation of national-socialist republics engaged in cooperative economic and cultural development while maintaining distinct national sovereignties.<ref>Tomasiewicz, W kierunku nacjokracji, pp. 302–304.</ref>[/td] [td][/td] [td]===Cultural and Religious Policy===[/td] [td]On cultural and social issues, the party adhered to a conservative stance, especially regarding women’s rights. While publicly affirming Christian values, internal factions displayed anticlerical tendencies, with some proposing the creation of a national church independent of the Vatican.<ref>Tomasiewicz, W kierunku nacjokracji, pp. 310–311.</ref>[/td] [td][/td] [td]==Relation to Other Regimes==[/td] [td]The PNS was anti-Marxist, yet expressed conditional approval of certain Stalinist policies in the Soviet Union, anticipating a “nationalization” of communism. Toward Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany, its admiration was selective, focusing largely on their antisemitic measures and occasional sympathy for their revisionist foreign policies.<ref>Tomasiewicz, W kierunku nacjokracji, pp. 313–314.</ref>[/td] [td][/td]
[td][/td] [td]== See also ==[/td]
[td]== See also ==[/td]
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