State of Katanga

In 1906, the ''[[Union Minière du Haut-Katanga]]'' (UMHK) company was founded and was granted the exclusive rights to mine copper in Katanga.{{sfn|Boehme|2005|p=2}} The principal shareholders in the ''Union Minière du Haut-Katanga'' were ''[[Comité Spécial du Katanga]]'', the ''[[Société Générale de Belgique]]'' and the British [[Tanganyika Concessions]].{{sfn|Boehme|2005|p=2}} In turn, the largest shareholder in the ''Comité Spécial de Katanga'' was the Belgian state.{{sfn|Boehme|2005|p=2}} Katanga was a center of mining with uranium, tin and copper all being extracted from the earth.{{sfn|Othen|2015|p=10}} The wealth drawn by the mining industry had attracted about 32,000 Belgian settlers to Katanga by the 1950s, making it into the province of the Belgian Congo with the largest number of Belgian settlers.{{sfn|Othen|2015|p=10}} As 33.7% of the revenue of the Congo came from the sale of the copper mined in Katanga, ownership of the company was an important consideration for the leaders of the Congolese Independence movement while the Belgian government was most reluctant to give up its share in the UMHK, and did not finally do so until 1967.{{sfn|Boehme|2005|p=2}} In January 1959, it was announced that Belgium would grant independence to the Congo in June 1960. Starting in March 1960, the UMHK began to financially support CONAKAT and bribed the party leader, [[Moïse Tshombe]], into advocating policies that were favorable to the company.{{sfn|Boehme|2005|p=4}}

In 1906, the ''[[Union Minière du Haut-Katanga]]'' (UMHK) company was founded and was granted the exclusive rights to mine copper in Katanga.{{sfn|Boehme|2005|p=2}} The principal shareholders in the ''Union Minière du Haut-Katanga'' were ''[[Comité Spécial du Katanga]]'', the ''[[Société Générale de Belgique]]'' and the British [[Tanganyika Concessions]].{{sfn|Boehme|2005|p=2}} In turn, the largest shareholder in the ''Comité Spécial de Katanga'' was the Belgian state.{{sfn|Boehme|2005|p=2}} Katanga was a center of mining with uranium, tin and copper all being extracted from the earth.{{sfn|Othen|2015|p=10}} The wealth drawn by the mining industry had attracted about 32,000 Belgian settlers to Katanga by the 1950s, making it into the province of the Belgian Congo with the largest number of Belgian settlers.{{sfn|Othen|2015|p=10}} As 33.7% of the revenue of the Congo came from the sale of the copper mined in Katanga, ownership of the company was an important consideration for the leaders of the Congolese Independence movement while the Belgian government was most reluctant to give up its share in the UMHK, and did not finally do so until 1967.{{sfn|Boehme|2005|p=2}} In January 1959, it was announced that Belgium would grant independence to the Congo in June 1960. Starting in March 1960, the UMHK began to financially support CONAKAT and bribed the party leader, [[Moïse Tshombe]], into advocating policies that were favorable to the company.{{sfn|Boehme|2005|p=4}}

Economically, the Katanga province of the Belgian Congo was closely linked to the autonomous [[Central African Federation]] that united the British colonies of Northern Rhodesia (modern Zambia), Nyasaland (modern Malawi), and Southern Rhodesia (modern Zimbabwe).{{sfn|Hughes|2003|p=593-595}} Via gerrymandering, much of the black population of the Central African Federation was in effect disfranchised and the Federation was dominated by the white population.{{sfn|Hughes|2003|p=594}} In the run-up to the Congolese independence, the leaders of the white Belgian settlers in Katanga were in close contact with the leaders of the white settlers in the Central African Federation, discussing a plan under which Katanga would break away from the Congo once independence was granted, and then join the Central African Federation.{{sfn|Hughes|2003|p=596-598}} In March 1960, Etienne Harford, the Belgian consul in [[Harare|Salisbury]] told Sir [[Roy Welensky]], the prime minister of the Federation, that the Belgian government wanted a "political association" of Katanga with the federation after independence.{{sfn|Hughes|2003|p=599}} The same month in an interview with Rene McColl, a journalist from ''The Daily Express'' newspaper, Welensky stated that he fully expected Katanga to break away from the Congo and join the Federation.{{sfn|Hughes|2003|p=599}}

Economically, the Katanga province of the Belgian Congo was closely linked to the autonomous [[Central African Federation]] that united the British colonies of Northern Rhodesia (modern Zambia), Nyasaland (modern Malawi), and Southern Rhodesia (modern Zimbabwe).{{sfn|Hughes|2003|p=593–595}} Via gerrymandering, much of the black population of the Central African Federation was in effect disfranchised and the Federation was dominated by the white population.{{sfn|Hughes|2003|p=594}} In the run-up to the Congolese independence, the leaders of the white Belgian settlers in Katanga were in close contact with the leaders of the white settlers in the Central African Federation, discussing a plan under which Katanga would break away from the Congo once independence was granted, and then join the Central African Federation.{{sfn|Hughes|2003|p=596–598}} In March 1960, Etienne Harford, the Belgian consul in [[Harare|Salisbury]] told Sir [[Roy Welensky]], the prime minister of the Federation, that the Belgian government wanted a "political association" of Katanga with the federation after independence.{{sfn|Hughes|2003|p=599}} The same month in an interview with Rene McColl, a journalist from ''The Daily Express'' newspaper, Welensky stated that he fully expected Katanga to break away from the Congo and join the Federation.{{sfn|Hughes|2003|p=599}}

When the [[Belgian Congo]] received independence from Belgium on 30 June 1960, it was already wracked by ethnic factionalism and political tension. A coalition of CONAKAT politicians and Belgian settlers had made an attempt shortly before that date to issue their own declaration of independence in Katanga, but the Belgian government opposed their plans. CONAKAT was especially concerned that the emerging Congolese government under prime minister [[Patrice Lumumba]] would dismiss its members from their positions in the Katangese provincial government and replace them with his supporters.{{sfn|Hoskyns|1965|p=140}}

When the [[Belgian Congo]] received independence from Belgium on 30 June 1960, it was already wracked by ethnic factionalism and political tension. A coalition of CONAKAT politicians and Belgian settlers had made an attempt shortly before that date to issue their own declaration of independence in Katanga, but the Belgian government opposed their plans. CONAKAT was especially concerned that the emerging Congolese government under prime minister [[Patrice Lumumba]] would dismiss its members from their positions in the Katangese provincial government and replace them with his supporters.{{sfn|Hoskyns|1965|p=140}}

Within a week of Katanga's unilateral declaration of independence, Lumumba sent a telegram to the Secretary-General of the UN, insisting that something be done about "Belgium's military aggression" in his country and its overt backing of Katangese secession.<ref name="lefever1965"/> Lumumba requested "urgent military assistance" due to his government's inability to maintain order in the massive country.<ref name="lefever1965"/> Among UN member states, sentiments towards Katanga were generally mixed. [[United Kingdom|Britain]] and [[France]] remained neutral, the latter quietly hostile towards the very idea of peacekeeping in Congo. The British initially provided general assistance to the UN troops who were eventually dispatched, but refused to cooperate with subsequent efforts to deal with Tshombe's rebellious regime.

Within a week of Katanga's unilateral declaration of independence, Lumumba sent a telegram to the Secretary-General of the UN, insisting that something be done about "Belgium's military aggression" in his country and its overt backing of Katangese secession.<ref name="lefever1965"/> Lumumba requested "urgent military assistance" due to his government's inability to maintain order in the massive country.<ref name="lefever1965"/> Among UN member states, sentiments towards Katanga were generally mixed. [[United Kingdom|Britain]] and [[France]] remained neutral, the latter quietly hostile towards the very idea of peacekeeping in Congo. The British initially provided general assistance to the UN troops who were eventually dispatched, but refused to cooperate with subsequent efforts to deal with Tshombe's rebellious regime.

[[Portugal]] and the [[Union of South Africa]] were openly hostile towards the operation from its conception, and maintained consistent opposition against any interference with the Katanga state.<ref name="lefever1965"/> Portugal permitted arms and mercenaries to enter Katanga from the Portuguese colony of [[Angola]].{{sfn|Hughes|2003|p=612}} Likewise, South Africa allowed mercenaries to be recruited within South Africa for Katanga and allowed both arms and European mercenaries to go to Katanga.{{sfn|Hughes|2003|p=613}} Welensky wanted to intervene militarily to bring Katanga into the Central African Federation, but was unable to do so as the Federation had only a small army of 3,270 men at a time when black nationalist unrest was increasing all over the federation.{{sfn|Hughes|2003|p=602-603}} However, Welensky allowed Katanga to continue its copper exports via federation railroads, permitted arms to be smuggled into Katanga, and allowed the Katangese to recruit white mercenaries within the federation who came mostly from Southern Rhodesia.{{sfn|Hughes|2003|p=602-607}} In addition, the Federation's authorities generally allowed free passage of white mercenaries from South Africa, France and Belgium into Katanga.{{sfn|Hughes|2003|p=603-605}} The town of Ndola in Northern Rhodesia was the principal base for the mercenaries that went into Katanga.{{sfn|Hughes|2003|p=605-606}} In a letter to the Foreign Secretary Lord Home, Welensky wrote he was "unwilling to stand by idly and watch Mr. Tshombe destroyed...if he is in danger of being destroyed by Afro-Asian pressures masquerading as United Nations operations, I shall do everything within my power to assist in his survival".{{sfn|Hughes|2003|p=609}}

[[Portugal]] and the [[Union of South Africa]] were openly hostile towards the operation from its conception, and maintained consistent opposition against any interference with the Katanga state.<ref name="lefever1965"/> Portugal permitted arms and mercenaries to enter Katanga from the Portuguese colony of [[Angola]].{{sfn|Hughes|2003|p=612}} Likewise, South Africa allowed mercenaries to be recruited within South Africa for Katanga and allowed both arms and European mercenaries to go to Katanga.{{sfn|Hughes|2003|p=613}} Welensky wanted to intervene militarily to bring Katanga into the Central African Federation, but was unable to do so as the Federation had only a small army of 3,270 men at a time when black nationalist unrest was increasing all over the federation.{{sfn|Hughes|2003|p=602–603}} However, Welensky allowed Katanga to continue its copper exports via federation railroads, permitted arms to be smuggled into Katanga, and allowed the Katangese to recruit white mercenaries within the federation who came mostly from Southern Rhodesia.{{sfn|Hughes|2003|p=602–607}} In addition, the Federation's authorities generally allowed free passage of white mercenaries from South Africa, France and Belgium into Katanga.{{sfn|Hughes|2003|p=603–605}} The town of Ndola in Northern Rhodesia was the principal base for the mercenaries that went into Katanga.{{sfn|Hughes|2003|p=605-606}} In a letter to the Foreign Secretary Lord Home, Welensky wrote he was "unwilling to stand by idly and watch Mr. Tshombe destroyed...if he is in danger of being destroyed by Afro-Asian pressures masquerading as United Nations operations, I shall do everything within my power to assist in his survival".{{sfn|Hughes|2003|p=609}}

[[Jules Gérard-Libois|Gérard-Libois]] writes: '..during the entire month of August, a ..race against the clock took place with the objective of building a more or less efficient Katangese gendarmery before the eventual withdrawal of the Belgian troops. The commander of the new gendarmery, Major Crèvecoeur, called for former officers of the ''[[Force Publique]]'' who had left the Congo after the July troubles or were in Katanga.'<ref>Gérard-Libois, 'Katanga Secession,' 1966, 114.</ref> The numbers of the new force were originally fixed at 1,500 volunteers from 16 to 21 years of age recruited from 'safe' ethnic groups. Almost all the aircraft of the Force Publique had been transferred to [[Kamina]],{{clarify|date=February 2017}} then requisitioned by Katanga.

[[Jules Gérard-Libois|Gérard-Libois]] writes: '..during the entire month of August, a ..race against the clock took place with the objective of building a more or less efficient Katangese gendarmery before the eventual withdrawal of the Belgian troops. The commander of the new gendarmery, Major Crèvecoeur, called for former officers of the ''[[Force Publique]]'' who had left the Congo after the July troubles or were in Katanga.'<ref>Gérard-Libois, 'Katanga Secession,' 1966, 114.</ref> The numbers of the new force were originally fixed at 1,500 volunteers from 16 to 21 years of age recruited from 'safe' ethnic groups. Almost all the aircraft of the Force Publique had been transferred to [[Kamina]],{{clarify|date=February 2017}} then requisitioned by Katanga.